Archive for February, 2009
Singalonga with the eurocrats
Posted by Bruno Waterfield in Brussels life, Economic crisis on February 20, 2009
As the rest of us feel the cold winds of the worst economic crisis in living memory, the cosy, bubble-wrapped existence of the eurocrat continues blissfully unaltered.
The EU is not , as far I know, planning any redundancies or wage freezes, so life trundles on here for the salaried European civil servants.
Staff in the European Parliament might get a new “aquagym and chill out rooms” worth over £8 million – see here.
But I have been really charmed by this little item in En Direct, the European Commission’s weekly internal newsletter.
The announcements section has a treat in store for officials working, on the financial crisis amongst other things, in the European Commission’s Beaulieu buildings.
“In the context of the Well Being policy, DG ADMIN has placed in the Beaulieu area a digital piano. To inaugurate the piano, from 16th to 20th February, live music in BU29 Cafeteria between 13h and 1430h performed by colleagues who are amateur musicians.”
Just the mere idea of all those DG ECFIN, and other, officials being gathered around the old Joanna for a good sing song and knees up makes the heart glow.
Trouble ahead for the European disunion
Posted by Bruno Waterfield in Democracy, Economic crisis, EU on February 19, 2009
Just as it was necessary to think beyond national protectionism in the 1930s, perhaps it is time to start thinking about life beyond the European Union.

The EU is afraid of its peoples
It could be that this crisis demands it.
It is going to be a sombre gathering when Europe’s leaders gather in Brussels for an emergency summit over lunch on Sunday Mar 1.
The EU faces its first economic crash, a disaster that is shaping up to be a once in a century event. Is it up to the job?
There is the spectre of intra-EU tensions around the Justus Lipsius luncheon table as leaders from big countries – that President Nicolas Sarkozy – tear up the rules.
Hurtling towards them is the prospect that bailing out the banks has merely transferred the “toxic” contagion to nations.
The coming crisis is a crisis of states not financial institutions. It will be a crisis of politics.
The EU is pretty resilient. It might just be able to contain the chauvinist French (or anyone else).
At a pinch, it can probably survive bailing out an entire country or two, depending on just how many.
But can the EU survive a crisis of the state?
The EU has always been a union of states rather peoples.
Its relation to the democratic European ideal is perhaps similar in effect to the financial sector’s warped and damaging dominance over the real economy.
The EU as a place where politics is conducted behind closed doors is ill-equipped to take people with them or to confront difficult questions.
The EU is learning a painful lesson: that its cosy consensus world of officialdom, diplomacy and contempt for voters, is not up to the mark when dealing with a full blown crisis.
Events have shown that the EU is better at puffing up fears about climate change, bird flu and other terrifying environmental perils than it is at dealing with a concrete problem.
Four interesting points:
In previous recessions the state used the crisis to identify (wrongly or rightly) elements of the social order that need restructuring – whether, as in Britain in the 1970s and 1980s, it is shaking out nationalised industry or smashing the trade unions. This has not happened in latest crisis.
Not a single EU country, certainly not Gordon Brown’s Britain, has yet come forward to spell how Western European states are going to make severe reductions in current forms of state expenditure. This seems to be a unique historical phenomenon in the face of an economic slump.
Nobody has set out any government or EU vision for how the economy is going to be reorganised during and after the shake out of a recession. There seems to be no vision of an economic future, it seems to be bailouts, heads down and hope for the best.
Out-sourced, privatised but bureaucratic member states, and the EU they created, have not tried to mobilise sections of the population behind a crisis programme. In fact, the EU seems more afraid of its populace than anything else. Margaret Thatcher could restructure 80s Britain because she won a political battle and social conflict for the national interest. The message seems to be “don’t worry your little heads, stay out of it”.
It is abundantly clear that institutions created for the benefit of diplomats and mandarins are not up to the job of stabilising febrile market institutions or getting cash (where it should be) into productive investments not dodgy bets on dodgier loans.
The problems the EU is facing are writ larger on the domestic stage, just as the European statist classes have embraced the EU, national statecraft has become dominated by fetishistic and self-destructive practices to which, we are told, There Is No Alternative.
Both the EU and Britain, with minor differences of degree and emphasis, have for over two decades been dominated by the liberalisation agenda, including constant diet of “deregulation” (doublespeak that often means more outsourced regulators or quangos) and privatisation (irresponsible horrors like the PFI).
This TINA agenda – totally dominated by tick box culture and the dreadful jargon that ensues when bureaucrats enter into a two-way Faustian pact with business – has clearly been more about states, such as Britain, ducking responsibility and outsourcing authority away from democratic accountability.
The proof? The EU, and its member states, are not up to the job of dealing with the current crisis, which has become one of global capitalism.
Oh what a turn off
Posted by Bruno Waterfield in Brussels life, Democracy, EU, European elections on February 17, 2009
It costs £53,000 for every hour broadcast but under 160,000 people have watched it since broadcasting began in mid-September. Over 60,000 of those were in the first week.
This means that this lavishly funded European Union channel attracts less than 1200 viewers every day, from an audience of over 400 million.
It is, of course, the European Parliament’s EuroparlTV. That’s the web-TV service that will cost over £32 million over four years, over £9,000 worth of vanity programmes for each and every MEP.
The viewing figures (hat tip to Julien Frisch) are impossible to verify and have to be based on whispers or hints from various parliament sources because no official figures are being released.
I asked one parliament official if he could tell me the viewing figure. “No. We are not interested in the figures,” came his reply. Yes, things are that bad.
E-who? Politics behind closed doors
Posted by Bruno Waterfield in Democracy, EU, Secrecy on February 16, 2009
Welcome to this blog.
I want to make it a place where pro-European ideas as opposed to pro-EU ideology can be discussed.
To kick off the debate (and I will be joining in on the comments), I would like to plug a pamphlet I worked on with the Manifesto Club.
I argue that the European Union has evolved, not as a federal super-state that crushes nations underfoot, but as an expanding set of structures and practices that have allowed Europe’s political elites to conduct increasing areas of policy without reference to the public.
I go into some detail as what the structures and practices are that lie behind the EU – there is quite a lot of completely new material based on six years work in Brussels.
Here’s how it opens…
Five years ago in a nondescript Brussels meeting room, in the dreary Justus Lipsius building, the leaders of France, Germany and Britain took some time out of a gruelling European Union summit for a trilateral meeting.
Negotiations on a text that was later to become the EU Constitution were proceeding badly under the chairmanship of Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi in December 2003. The talks were to be completed, under the aegis of the Irish, the following June.
Jacques Chirac, at that time the French president, was keen to sign up Tony Blair, the British prime minister and Gerhard Schröder, German chancellor, to ‘a pact between France, Britain and Germany under which none of the three countries would hold referendums’.
Chirac was worried that he had more or less promised the French people a vote on a future EU Constitution and, according to someone present in the room, ‘clearly wanted to get out of any such undertaking’.
Read the full essay by downloading it as a PDF – click here.
My conclusion:
Today there is a new political divide: between those who accept the political process should be based on mistrust of the people, conducted behind the EU’s closed doors, and those who do not.
The EU referendum question has become constitutional in the true sense of the word: it is about the nature of politics, who participates in politics, and for whom political structures are organised.
Debating the EU needs to become an argument about what politics should be, in opposition to how it is. I hope this blog can be one of the places this can happen.
