Moldova’s transfer of power is in full swing, confirming an earlier claim I made that Moldova is the only post-Soviet state (the Baltics aside) where every single transfer of power since 1991 took place through a tortuous, but still uninterrupted, cycle of elections. (Though, to be fair, Ukraine is more pluralistic and is likely to have a transfer of power through elections in Januari 2010.
Voronin’s fin de regime
On 9/11 Vladimir Voronin announced his resignation. Except for Communist party members few ventured to say a good word about Voronin’s eight years in power and except for the pro-Communist TV channels few seemed to regret it. It was also striking just how short and muted the farewell was (see a piece I wrote on that in Romanian). When Eltsin or Shevardandze resigned (in 1999 and 2003 respectively) their departures were historical events that sparked heated discussions in talk-shows, newspapers, or public transportation for days, if not weeks. You could not avoid thinking of their (mixed) historical legacy and you could not avoid a pervasive sense of entering a new epoch.
Nothing of that sort happened in Moldova. I was in Chisinau on the day of Voronin’s resignation. Everyone seemed strikingly uninterested in Voronin. Everyone was much more concerned with the gossips of the future: the formation of a new government by the Alliance for European Integration and whether the Communists will vote for the Alliance’s candidate to the presidency (Marian Lupu – himself until last June a Communist party member), or will provoke new elections by boycotting the election of a new president (the Alliance has 53 votes in the parliament and 61 votes are needed to elect the president). Perhaps this was an indicator that psychologically the country has already moved beyond Voronin even before his formal resignation.
Internally divided rivals?
On Friday 25 Sept Vlad Filat, 40, will be appointed as prime minister. The negotiations on the new government are almost completed. The Alliance has some good candidates for some posts (economy, foreign affairs, justice, finance), but obviously lacked good specialists for some other posts (culture, education, interior, youth etc).
Both the Alliance for European Integration and the Communists seem united, but have some underlying potential fissures. The Alliance’s likely fault line is between the Liberal Democratic Party’s leader Vlad Filat (the current prime-minister) and the leader of the Democratic Party Marian Lupu (the Alliance’s candidate for presidency). Filat’s claims to a strong position in the government stems from the fact that the Lib-Dems are the most popular party in the coalition. Lupu’s claim stems from the fact that the victory of the opposition is owed to his split from the Communist party in June and his decision to join the liberals, rather than the Communists, in a coalition after the July elections.
Future tensions are unavoidable. However, the bigger question is if these tensions will paralyze the country’s modernization like it happened in Ukraine since the Orange Revolution, or Moldova can embark on a more “Central European” type of creative tensions that open up the political system, create checks and balances and make reforms possible (at the end of the day between 1994 and 2004 Latvia had 10 prime-ministers, while Estonia – 7). I guess it will be a combination of the two…
The Communists are quickly learning the role of being an opposition. The Communists start sounding precisely like the former opposition used to just a few months ago (though the Communists have fewer reasons to do so). Back in July one of the Communist party leaders was saying that the main trait of the liberal parties is ‘yelping’ (ныть). Now the Communists accuse the Alliance of being undemocratic, authoritarian, and that they have usurped power. This sounds absurd and not credible…
The Communist party’s biggest problem is the reason for its greatest success: Voronin. Voronin created this party, brought it to power, held it together for a decade and a half but is now unable to let it go. Instead of resigning after loosing the July elections he tries to hang on. The party is also split between roughly two wings: ‘old’ and ‘young’ (some Communist MPs are under 30 and their informal leader is in his early 40s).
Perhaps paradoxically the ‘young wing’ might be more intransigent: they need Voronin for another 1-2 years to strengthen their position in the party against the older generation, and they are mostly ultra-leftist Che Guevara admirers (some of their blogs are here and here). They also sound more intransigent vis-a-vis the Alliance for European Integration. The older guard is very diverse, but many of them might prefer a deal with the new government – voting for a new president in exchange for some (political, economic and personal) guarantees.
The chances for new early elections next year are high. Many communists think that if they don’t vote for a new president in the following few weeks and thereby provoke early elections next year – they might return to power since the population will blame the effects of the economic crisis on the new government. The Alliance at its turn thinks that with IMF, US and EU (and perhaps even Russian) assistance they will be able to manage the crisis. In fact the Alliance argues that an indication of early support from the IMF might help persuade the Communists vote for the Alliance’s president and not provoke early elections next year. The new government also believes that in case of early elections the Communists will gain even fewer votes since they will not control the state aparatus, the state media and the patronage networks that come with incumbency.
Whatever the outcome of the multi-lateral heavy horse trading of the following weeks, all the political actors, including the Communists, are much more concerned with their future than with Vladimir Voronin’s past. And Moldova is now stuck between its third and fourth president.
#1 by Robert on September 24, 2009 - 11:47 am
>’What matters is if these tensions will paralyze the country’s modernization like it happened in Ukraine since the Orange Revolution…’
As a Ukrainian I believe 99% it will be so. Unfortunately, the essence of democratization lies in change of cultural patterns, not only in change of laws. It means that to become democratic, substantial part of society has to change its personal attitudes towards themselves and their compatriots. This is an extremely challenging work.
I’m not sure that Moldovians realize that roots of their problems lies in their minds, and not in Voronin’s or Communist Party’s evil intentions. Nevertheless, I hope that the most difficult part of work has been carried out by Moldovians in previous years.
On the other hand, it seems post-Soviet nations have a privilege of possessing various accelerating effects. At our times we need only years to get the same changes in minds the societies in previuos centuries had to work for decades.
‘Orange Revolution’ brought a lot of disappointment for its creators, and me personally. On the other hand I see with satisfaction how rapidly political consciousness of the nation grows. Democracy requires high price to be paid, and it must be paid by the society. I do not see another way of establishing democracy.
In this respect President Medvedev’s last initiatives on democratization of Russia look very infantile. Something like I’d like Russia to be democratic by a wave of the magic wand. = По щучьему велению, по моему хотению…) Its a great tragedy of this country that it is very restricted in ability to survive though democratic transition. So, let’s show patience to them. On the other hand, Russians have to realise that its impossible to learn swimming on shore. And our duty is to remind them about their mission to make Russia free.
#2 by vlad on September 24, 2009 - 3:53 pm
I agree with Nicu that Moldova will be in between Ukrainian and Central European type of tensions. Chisinau is several hundred miles to the West of Kiev. And there is a clear pattern: farther West – more democracy.
Opposition will work together because they know they hardly hang to power and can face new elections within months. Tensions might start only after it is sure Voronin is gone and communists are not that relevant. Plus any leader stopping reforms, integration into EU for personal interests is doomed with Moldovan public which is tired of the circus. Who remembers Rosca today?
Moldova changed for the last 20 years. Many Russian speakers immigrated to Russia/Ukraine. People die much. Every Moldovan worked/traveled abroad and are more pro-EU. Unlike Ukraine or Russia there is no government reform which could be too painful for Moldovans. It can not more miserable. Pensions are small and irrelevant, there are no jobs, there is no free medicine or education, there is no army, effective police… Almost all broken up. Any reform is much welcome.
The only thing I worry about is war with Transnistria. I hope new Moldovan leaders and Romania will not push into conflict. I and many Moldovans (not Ghimpu) are for referendum in Transnistria. Let them be independent. We do not want a war and we do not want to drag this conflict for another 20… years.
#3 by vlad on September 24, 2009 - 4:11 pm
Nicu also right about communist party. It might retain support of old and very young. Those in between are more pragmatic like Lupu.
I know a director of school in Balti. He joined communist party because that way his school could get new equipment and more funding from communists (other schools did not). These kind of people are waiting to see where the power swings. If they see that liberals are to stay in power many of them will leave communist and will join a liberal party. They care about positions and funding.
New government needs to postpone the presidential elections as much as they can and take over the ministries and show that they hold control so that everybody believes that Voronin is gone. Then even if there are next elections communist support will fall down below 40%. Plus there will be less fraud.
#4 by santini olivier on September 24, 2009 - 7:00 pm
Dear Nicu, thank you for this interesting post. However, I would disagree with the idea of Fin de régime. While Voronin’s presidency is over, there is no evidence of quality change in the structure of Moldovan political system. Do we speak about strategic, historical development in this country? Is that a U-turn? I doubt.
We haven’t got a single proof of a new governance. Instead, we can only see a moment of disbalance, so typical for Moldova. A disbalance which this time is in favor of so-called democrats. But is it really a good thing at this stage? Can the Alliance perform better than Communists? Do they have necessary support, means and conviction? I doubt much.
The Alliance lacks many essential things to succeed. Also, oy has no potential, unlike Communists,to rebuild the nation.
Unfortunately, Moldova is a failed State. As such, it doesn’t meet conventional criteria of “transition patterns”. ( wich are of course sui generis)
#5 by Nicu Popescu on September 25, 2009 - 1:59 am
Dear Olivier, it would be indeed weird to expect a new governance structure when the new prime minister has not even been voted and voronin resigned less than two weeks ago. Real political and historical changes are rarely easy to spot when they happen. what seems impressive now can be dissapointing later, and vice-versa. think of how impressive was georgia in 2003 and how dissapointing in 2007, hungary in the 90s vs 2005, (for some) putin in his first years, and on his second term, the orange revolution in 2005 vs 2007/2008. and vice versa – slovakia was dissapointing until 97, and then hugely impressive by 2003. the jury on moldova or ukraine will be out in a few years down the road. now it is impossible to make any serious claim on whether a new governance structure has been created. such structures are visible only from a certain distance.
now on aie compared to the communists. i am sorry but the current prime-minister and the ministers for foreign affairs, economy, interior and justice are definitely better than their communist counterparts. some of the new ministers are worse, some are unknown, but most of the key ministers and the prime-minister are better than the previous government .
now on the political system. yes the change is structural. now moldova will have a very strong opposition that will scrutinise the government. this will ensure greater pluralism. the new government is too weak to reproduce the communist’s monopolised politcal and economic system under a different brand. and this will ensure greater pluralism for political, economic and societal interests.
#6 by Nicu Popescu on September 25, 2009 - 2:06 am
Robert, i agree that a ukrainian scenario is most likely, but there still are some differences. 1) the moldovan government wll be more amenable to EU influences. while every EU and US attempt to convince Yushenko and Timoshenko to behave was usualy very quickly brushed aside, the moldovans will not be able to to the same. they wil listen and the eu will be able to
make a difference with much fewer resources than were needed in ukraine. 2) the communists are too strong and will not let the new government to be too relaxed. this is a good thing. thus the coalition partners are likely to stick to each other much better than timoshenko and youshenko did, for fear of being ‘eaten’ if they live the coalition tent. when either timoshenko or youshchneko flirted politically with yanukovich, both were in a relativley strong position. all the moldovan coalition partners taken separately are dwarfs compared to the communists. for at least two years and unless the communists themselves split – none of the smallish parties now in government is likely to go it alone and commit political suicide.
#7 by santini olivier on September 25, 2009 - 1:10 pm
It’s a real plaisure to read you.
Real political and historical changes are rarely easy to spot when they happen.
What about the end of the Ancien Régime in France, for example? Or what about 9/11?
think of how impressive was georgia in 2003 and how dissapointing in 2007, hungary in the 90s vs 2005, (for some) putin in his first years, and on his second term, the orange revolution in 2005 vs 2007/2008.
Do you think that “impressive” is an appropriate term to qualify these evolutions? Who is supposed to be impressed? Developments of all kind, especially political, are naturaly non-linear. That’s why prior to comparing there is a need to differentiate context, caracter, scale or level of various events or processes.
Russia and Ukraine had both changed in term of governance: in 2000 and 2005 respectively. And all developments, regardless their caracter, which are posterior to putin’s accession to power or to the orange revolution occur within a specific evolutional frame. But this is not the case in Moldova. Recent developments correlate with that country’s original trajectory dating back to early and mid 1990s.
Also you write that new ministers are better than their communist predecessors. You probably wanted to stress on their competence, profile? But, they are freshly nominated so any conclusion in their regard is a risk.
moldova will have a very strong opposition that will scrutinise the government. this will ensure greater pluralism. the new government is too weak to reproduce the communist’s monopolised politcal and economic system under a different brand. and this will ensure greater pluralism for political, economic and societal interests.
The problem is that governement is far from being omnipotent in Moldova. Voronin’s era produced an intergrated network of social and economic players closely connected to power. Now, it will most probably be reajusted accordingly because it’s main function has always been to ensure Moldova’s economic survival. It proved to be efficient during this critical year.
nevertheless, that decade-old system of checks and balances “à la moldave” will persist: various political configurations in state institutions are only some of many expressions delivered by this system.
That’s why I suggest that Mr. Voronin’s departure does not mean the end of Voronin’s era. Best, Olivier.
#8 by IM on September 25, 2009 - 8:53 pm
Overall, I agree with your assessment, especially the part related to the patronage networks that will stay in place also during the first years of the new government. The regime stays the same.
It’s quasi-democracy.
However, the comparison of Voronin’s resignation with that of Eltin or Shevarnadze is not quite accurate, because both Eltin and Shevarnadze did not end their terms, while Voronin did. Moreover, the trade unions, the big companies (which want their VAT back), the pensioners, the students, the minorities will all have demands and it can happen that the new authorities will be not able to respond quickly due to a variety of factors.
It’s normal to forget Voronin, the French were saying “Le Roi est mort, vive le Roi !”
I agree with you that an assessment of Voronin’s legacy is necessary. Let’s not forget that a few months ago there were some voices claiming that Communist governments included the best technocrats.
I was arguing for the opposite that the opposition parties included many competent people. It seems the beginning of the new era is not looking very bright in Chisinau (where the Change started); it is in Chisinau that people will start paying more for water, public transportation, heat etc. It is true that the prices were extremly low, but the increase will trigger mass discontent. My take is that during October, we will witness many protests. Their strength will show us, if the new era has come or if a Communist comeback is to be expected. Much depends on the ability of the Communists to learn their new role, namely the role of Opposition.
#9 by Robert on September 28, 2009 - 9:45 am
I agree with Oliver that it’s too early to speak about fin de regime. My prediction is that it will sooner survive than die. Post-Soviet political regimes look like hydra. If you take off its head, new two begin to rise up.
Nicu, could you give a general description of new government, esp. personal profiles of key personalities? I believe at the moments of potential radical social changes personal background of main personalities really matters.
Anyway I wish to Moldova to succeed on a way of real pro-European reforms. I suppose you agree that any successful precedents are extremely important for post-Soviet societies.
#10 by Nicu Popescu on September 29, 2009 - 9:37 am
Robert, Oliver, more often than not states become pluralistic not because the new elites are mega-democrats, but becuase the constraints in the system are stronger than theit centralising tendencies.
At micro level (subservient bureacrats, corruption etc) there will be no quick changes in Moldova. However, at macro-level there are two factors that will almost certainly constrain the new government making it impossible to simply reproduce voronin’s personalized, centralised and monopolised system of rule. the first are internal internal checks within the coalition. no leader of the coalition will be able to rule like voronin did. and the second is the existence of a very strong opposition – the communists. no alliance of parties will be able to govern practically unchecked as the communists did.
#11 by Robert on September 30, 2009 - 12:49 pm
I had quite the same thoughts on ‘a very strong opposition’ in Ukrainian politics. However, reality appeared quite different. We have a very strong populism as the main method of opposition, and the same response from the Government. And, what is the most interesting thing, both sides do nothing to establish the rule of law and fight corruption.
Today I’ve read about PM’s initiative on introduction of Romanian language instead of Moldovian one. Probably, this initiative is correct in essence. But from political point of view it is the most dangerous thing for the future reforms I only can imagine. For me this step means that this Cabinet is not going to make serious reforms. These guys are still on their electoral barricades. It’s a pity…
Nicu, the biggest mistake of Ukrainian society after Orange Revolution was to trust a fate of reforms in the hands of politicians. Please, do not make the same mistake in Moldova. You have from the very beginning to demand from the Government to produce not populist slogans, but serious legislative work followed by rapid institutionalisation; not politically contradictory initiatives leading to conflicts in society, but establishment of the rule of law and transparency in Government’s activities.
#12 by Nicu Popescu on October 3, 2009 - 12:12 am
Robert, you might be right on the “strong populism instead of opposition” is perhaps the biggest danger…
On the PM – there was NO initiative on changing the name from Moldovan to Romanian. The PM simply said the language IS Romanian and he speaks Romanian. nothing wrong with that. Filat always said this. and this does not undermine in any way Moldovan statehood.
I am a bit surprised but the really lukewarm attitude many Ukrainians have towards the new Moldovan government because of this whole ‘Romanian’ dimension. It is wrong for Ukraine to project its problems with Romania on the new Moldovan government.
#13 by santini olivier on October 8, 2009 - 11:24 am
this is to confirm the continuity in governance pattern:
Last week, acting Moldovan President and parliament speaker Mihai Ghimpu advanced only one candidate for appointment as governor of the Moldovan National Bank: his nephew (or “nepot” in Romanian). Source: Moldova’s Near Miss With Nepotism by L. O’Neill ( RFE/RL, 5/10/09)
#14 by katerina on November 24, 2009 - 12:07 pm
Hi to all of you,
I would like to thank you for this discussion. It helped me understand the perception of the situation in your region. I am now writing an essay about the Moldova’s way to the EU and must admit that I stay quite positive in the sense of understanding Moldova a future EU member state. Let me therefore wish your country (as well as to Ukraine) to succeed in the way of transition and development.
K. (Czech Republic)
#15 by AJ on December 12, 2009 - 12:59 am
Unlike most of the posters, I was actually in Moldova in April 2009 when a mob of several thousand mostly young “people” (I use the word “liberally”) burned and ransacked the Parliament and the Presidential building; angry that the so-called “liberal” and “democratic” forces that they had supported in the elections two days prior had been soundly defeated by the “Communists,” these young, disoriented kids, encouraged by “people” like the “Liberal-Democrat” politician Filat, the “Liberal” politician Chirtoaca, etc, and directed in their rampage by fascistic Romanian ultra-nationalist organizations served as the shock troops for what was nothing if not a coup attempt against a “Communist” government that, however flawed it might have been, was genuinely elected.
The author of this article and the head of this blog is a member of a prominent and thoroughly establishment pro-Western “think-tank” called the “European Council on Foreign Relations.”
He, Mr. Popescu, is entitled to whatever opinions he might happen to hold, but you all have the right to know that his views are by no means representative of those of the majority of the citizens of Moldova.
The main backers of the new coalition government in Moldova are 1) better-off company managers and businesspeople who believe that they can make even more money if Moldova makes a more resolute turn towards Europe economically 2) Those peoples’ children and 3) Romanian chauvinist elements, generally though not exclusively young people, who have views which can fairly be regarded as fascist or Nazi in their essence.
The so-called “libreral” and “democratic” forces eventually took power by a drawn-out process involving two sets of elections in a 4 month period of time; the reality that Mr. Popescu and other “liberals” and “democrats” don’t want you to know is that the process of regime change in question was undoubtedly bankrolled and underwritten by the regime of the deeply reactionary Romanian President Traian Basescu and his patron and master, the US government.
The goal was and is the replacement of a “Communist” government which was seen as generally being insufficiently pro-US in its geopolitical orientation (read, the Moldovan “Communists” were against Moldova’s entrance into NATO and they were seen as being a little too friendly with Moscow) and as insufficiently open to Western capital penetration.
What has the new so-called “democratic” and “liberal” regime been up to in the 3 months or so that it has held power?
Well, it has signed an agreement with the IMF which freezes many public sector workers’ wages (including the pay of many teachers, some of whom will actually see their pay get cut), slashes the budgets for science, education, culture, the arts, agriculture etc., reduces unemployment benefits, reduces pensions to certain categories of recipients and generally takes the ax to all manner of social programs that the so-called “Communists” had implemented.
As an aside, I do not want my comments here to be understood as a form of support for the “Communist” Party; from a socialist standpoint, it can be said that the leadership of that party was thoroughly pro-capitalist, not critical enough (or hardly at all) of US imperialism and NATO and allowed and benefitted from quite a good deal of corruption.
All that having been said, the new regime is just — at least from the standpoint of someone who cares about the conditions of the working class and poor, about the democratic rights of the masses and about the cause of peace in the world, — more overtly reactionary.
Besides agreeing, as part of the loan agreement with the IMF, to cut social spending and freeze wages, the new “liberal” and “democratic” regime has also committed itself to raising all manner of taxes and fees on things like gasoline, beer and vodka, road usage fees, cigarettes, heat in peoples’ apartments, drinking water in the apartments, public transport, etc, etc, etc. The majority of such fee and tax increases will clearly hit the ordinary and poor people the hardest, which isn’t surprising given the fact that such people largely didn’t vote in the first place for the parties that have formed the new government.
I spoke here about the inferiority of the new government also in the sphere of democratic rights; besides harassing and closing media outlets which are known/expected to be critical of it (especially those in the Russian language), the new government has also been making a lot of noise about banning “communist” symbols and even the “Communist” Party itself.
This shows how lying and hypocritical the leaders of the new regime are; they criticized the old “Communist” government for all manner of abuses, both real and imagined, criticized it for being a “dictatorship” (it wasn’t) and are themselves now manifesting all manner of authoritarian tendencies.
A government of the rich, by the rich and for the rich is what has been installed in Moldova; this government is plainly anti-worker and anti-poor, led at its highest levels by Romanian chauvinist levels and is more than willing to use dubious administrative methods to squelch all criticism of it. Yup, this is “democracy,” at least in the eyes of Moldova’s narrow upper class; this is also how Washington sees “democracy.”
#16 by Nicu Popescu on December 13, 2009 - 8:06 pm
Al, seeing two minutes from a movie, and seeing the entire movie (and understanding it) are different things. You might have been in april in Moldova but what I see below does not strike me as a good unbiased understanding of what is going on. You are obviously a staunch leftist supporter of the Communist party. this is your right. but it seems that you also are well to the left of the Communist parties’s views as well.
But now a few responses to some of the claims you made:
- your accusations of fascism, chauvinism and nazism – well. these were key electoral messages of the Communist propaganda back in July. Your discourse uncritically reproduces what many agree was a bad election campaign by the Communists. Not even they believe is this crap. I do talk to Communists and some of the supporters more or less regularly, I have not seen a single one believing in this.
- according to you the backers of the new government are 1) better-off company managers, 2) their kids, and chauvinists. If Moldova was Switzerland it perhaps had as many better-of company managers as you imply. But it is not. If you look at election results on a district-by-district basis you would see that the Communists got proportionally more votes in the relativeley well-off and romanianised Chisinau, than in the villages of Central Moldova – which has almost no managers. What you claim has very little to do with the reality.
- on freezes of public sectors wages and austerity budget. Well, this is what almost every country in Europe is doing – including Spain and Hungary which are lead by Socialists. Of course Moldova is doing the same. The Communists in government would have done the same becuase there is an economic crisis out there, and you seem to be unaware of it.
And of course when you argue that “the new regime has also committed itself to raising all manner of taxes and fees on things like gasoline, beer and vodka, road usage fees, cigarettes” etc – I thought this is called redistribution and is a rather left-leaning measure – collecting taxes from those drive to redistribute them to those who don’t.
#17 by AJ on December 31, 2009 - 6:59 am
Well, I’m surprised that you responded to me, Mr. Popescu. In the interests of keeping this discussion going, I’ll make few more points, many of which will be responses to what you wrote:
You wrote: Al, seeing two minutes from a movie, and seeing the entire movie (and understanding it) are different things. You might have been in april in Moldova but what I see below does not strike me as a good unbiased understanding of what is going on.
My response: I wasn’t just in Moldova in April of 2009, but have lived there off and on for about 5 years. What does an “unbiased understanding” mean? I am not unbiased — I have certain values and am most aggressively opposed to those political forces/individuals which are most clearly and most emphatically opposed to those values. Of course, you aren’t unbiased either nor would I expect you to be; in fact, on the top of this blog is an advertisement for “The Alliance of Liberal-Democrats for Europe,” a nice-named sounding name which can’t really conceal the fact that said alliance is definitely dedicated to right-wing “values.” Again, you have every right to support whatever views and political factions that you want, but it is a bit rich to pretend that you and your blog are “unbiased.”
You wrote: You are obviously a staunch leftist supporter of the Communist party.
My response: I am a socialist, and a real one, not like the nominally socialist (actually thoroughly pro-capitalist) politicians who run countries like Spain and who you made reference to. I am not a supporter of the so-called “Communist” Party in Moldova; I simply regard the so-called “liberal” and “democratic” parties (actually right-wing) as being more reactionary, more dangerous and clearly more destabilizing for the entire society. The choice between the “Communist” Party and the “liberal” and “democratic” ones is, in my view, like the choice between different deadly “diseases: the “liberal” and “democratic” parties would just guarantee a faster death (for Moldova) than the “Communist” Party.
You wrote: it seems that you also are well to the left of the Communist parties’s views as well.
My response: I am a socialist, and not a supporter of the historically bankrupt capitalist system like the “Communist” Party is (and as are, of course, the “liberal” and “democratic” also.)
You wrote: But now a few responses to some of the claims you made:
- your accusations of fascism, chauvinism and nazism – well. these were key electoral messages of the Communist propaganda back in July. Your discourse uncritically reproduces what many agree was a bad election campaign by the Communists. Not even they believe is this crap. I do talk to Communists and some of the supporters more or less regularly, I have not seen a single one believing in this.
My response: That many, many of the “shock troops” of the so-called “liberal” and “democratic” parties are hardcore Romanian nationalists with a worldview that can fairly be described as fascist is unquestionably true. Besides the fact that I also talk fairly regularly to many of the supporters of the “Communist” Party and have done so ever since I first came to Moldova, I also have many acquaintances (younger ones) who support the “liberal” parties. When I first starting talking with such young people around 5 years ago, I was shocked and horrified by how viciously racist and backwards their worldviews were; many of them — here I’m primarily talking about the ones who speak Moldovan or Romanian as their first language — hate Russians, Jews, Gypsies, and think that Ion Antonescu, the former military-fascist dictator of Romania who served as a junior partner of Hitler in the invasion of the Soviet Union, was a good guy.
During the April 7 protests/orgy of destruction, many of the people in the front rows of the crowd were members of the Romanian fascist group “Noua Dreapta” (The New Right) and were wearing symbols/waving flags (such as the Celtic Cross) associated with Noua Dreapta and fascist organizations in general. Even more of the protestors were wearing clothing on which there was written the slogan “Basarabia — Pamant Romanesc” (Basarabia — basically Moldova — Romanian Land), a revanchist slogan which meshes perfectly with the outlook of the fascists from Noua Dreapta (they also favor the use of such a slogan.)
After the April 7 orgy of destruction, in the newspaper “Capitala” (The Capital), which is published by Chisinau’s City Hall, there appeared an article entitled “Va ordon, treceti Prutul!” (I order you: cross the Prut River!) This is a direct quote from Ion Antonescu when he was sending Romanian troops into Moldova as part of the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union; the scandal is that the respective newspaper is published by Chisinau’s City Hall and is subordinate to Chisinau’s Mayor, the so-called “Liberal” Dorin Chirtoaca. Mr. Chirtoaca has never apologized for the fact that a blatantly pro-fascist article (and there have been others of this type) appeared in a newspaper which he oversees.
On the December 1 National Day of Romania, Mihai Ghimpu, the speaker of the Parliament, interim President of the Country, Chirtoaca’s uncle and the head of the “Liberal Party”, gave a speech in the center of the city in which he said “By the will of God, Moldova is populated by Romanians (note: not even Moldovans!!!) and the Russians need to live in Russia.” This is the latest of countless racist remarks that Ghimpu — a rather intellectually limited figure — has made in his career as a right-wing nationalist politician. It is worth noting that noone — not even the supposedly “center-left” “Democratic” Party politicians who are in alliance with different “Liberal” parties — criticized this blatantly racist remark of Ghimpu.
The examples that I could give in this sense are endless.
You wrote: according to you the backers of the new government are 1) better-off company managers, 2) their kids, and chauvinists. If Moldova was Switzerland it perhaps had as many better-of company managers as you imply.
My response: It is undeniably true that, by and large, better-off company managers and the owners of sizeable businesses generally supported the “liberal” and “democratic” parties(I am not denying that some supported the “Communist” party, but that they voted disproportionately for the “liberal” and “democratic” parties is confirmed by the voting statistics.) Furthermore, the poorer people generally voted, for lack of any better alternative, for the “Communist” Party. These voting tendencies are, in a broad sense, rational: that is, the “liberal” and “democratic” ) parties favor more rapid privatization and a more aggressively “neoliberal” capitalist economic orientation which the rich are likely to be the main (or only) beneficiaries of. The “Communist” Party favored a somewhat slower rate of privatization and a somewhat less aggressively “neo-liberal” capitalist economic orientation, and the poor generally rationally viewed this as being less aggressively hostile to their interests. Again, the voting statistics do confirm that a disproportionately large section of the well-off voted for the “liberal” and “democratic” parties while a disproportionately large portion of the relatively poor voted for the “Communist” Party.
You wrote: If you look at election results on a district-by-district basis you would see that the Communists got proportionally more votes in the relativeley well-off and romanianised Chisinau, than in the villages of Central Moldova – which has almost no managers. What you claim has very little to do with the reality.
My response: Actually, what I wrote is generally consistent with the break-down of the vote. Chisinau — where there are concentrated a relatively high number of rich business people — is a place where the Communists always did more poorly than they did in the rest of the country as a whole. You are right when you claim that Chisinau is relatively “Romanianised.” While in Moldova as a whole only 2% of the population calls itself “Romanian,” in Chisinau that number is about 4%. For those who don’t know, those people who call themselves “Romanian” in Moldova (instead of Moldovan) disproportionately back the “liberal” and “democratic” parties which, as I’ve made clear, are actually right-wing nationalist parties. To call oneself Romanian in Moldova is more or less to say that you hate “Communism” and that you favor the swallowing of Moldova by Romania (euphemized by referring to this as “unire” — union.)
As for the places in Central Moldova where the “Communist” Party did relatively poorly, it is possible that some of such places may be poorer than Moldova as a whole (which is a poor country — the poorest in Europe.) However, the key factor in such “raioane” (counties or districts) is not their relative richness or poverty compared to other places in Moldova (in any event it is not clear that they are generally better or worse off than the typical village in Moldova), but their degree of Romanianization. For example, raionul Nisporeni [the county Nisporeni] is on the border with Romania, it has a relatively small number of ethnic/national and religious minorities and it has a relatively high number of people who regard themselves as Romanian and who favor Romania’s swallowing of Moldova (again, euphemized as “unire” or union.)
You wrote: on freezes of public sectors wages and austerity budget. Well, this is what almost every country in Europe is doing – including Spain and Hungary which are lead by Socialists. Of course Moldova is doing the same
My response: Before the elections, the “liberal” and “democratic” parties were promising much higher salaries, much better pensions, etc. To me it was clear that, if they managed to get into power, they would renege on these promises immediately, but some people might have fallen for these fraudulent promises. Immediately after they actually did get into power, they started negotiating with the IMF (International Monetary Fund) and quickly agreed to a whole series of austerity measures which will substantially lower most peoples’ (read, not the richest Moldovans) standard of living. In other words, as soon as they got into power, they abandoned the different populist promises that they had made during the election campaign. Of course, this was all predictable enough; as they know they have to pay back the business owners and well-off company managers who numbered among their strongest backers, the “liberals” and “democrats” never really had any ability or desire to implement policies designed to help pensioners or poorly-paid public sector workers. Here, we see the zero-sum game of budgetary policies — helping the rich necessarily comes at the expense of the working-class people. The fact that the “liberal” and “democratic” politicians immediately reneged on their campaign promises to help ordinary workers and pensioners just shows how lying, shameless and power-hungry they are.
The “Socialist” Parties which lead countries like Spain and now Greece are socialist in name only; the right-wing, pro-business and anti-worker orientation of their economic policies is clear for all to see, and has been for a years now.
You wrote: The Communists in government would have done the same becuase there is an economic crisis out there, and you seem to be unaware of it.
My response: The so-called “Communists” probably would have largely proceeded in the same way, though we can’t exclude that the possibility there also might well have been some differences “around the margins.” First of all, after the April elections, the “Communists” (and apparently the “liberals” and “democrats”, as well) met with officials from the IMF. The “Communists” later (after losing power) said that they refused to sign an agreement in May because of the harshness of the conditions that the IMF was imposing in exchange for the granting of the loans; interestingly enough, one of the conditions that the “Communists” said the IMF was imposing on them in exchange for the loans was to let the currency depreciate which, shortly after the “liberals” and the “democrats” came to an agreement with the IMF, did indeed begin to happen (and is likely to continue.)
Again, in the event that the “Communists” would have won again in the late-July 2009 repeat elections, it is likely that, in broad terms, they would have done the same things that the “liberals” and the “democrats” have done, though the variant through which the Russian and Chinese governments would have loaned them a good portion of the money that they needed might well have given them the chance to “tone down” to a certain degree the harshness of the measures that the IMF demanded (and which the “liberals” and the “democrats” did indeed eventually implement in full.) In the case that the Russian and Chinese governments would have loaned the “Communist” government money, the harshness of the IMF’s economic austerity conditions probably would have been partially reduced, in exchange for the Moldovan government becoming somewhat closer geopolitically to the Russian and Chinese states.
That there is a world economic crisis is indisputable; that the crisis flows from the fundamental contradictions of the capitalist order is also clear. In the 14-15 months since the crisis intensified massively, what we have seen is that, specific methods or policies aside, all the capitalist governments of the world have sought to “resolve” the crisis by means of pushing all of the costs onto the backs of the working people. The recklessness, criminality and incompetence of a relative handful of bankers and speculators might well have been the trigger for the crisis, but the governments of the world have insisted that not this super-rich financial elite to which they are subordinate, but the ordinary working people who hold no blame for the crisis be made to pay for it. In Moldova, the IMF austerity program is consistent with this general tendency. Already poor people will become poorer because billionaires in the world’s major financial centers engaged in gambling schemes on the order of tens and hundreds of billions and even trillions of dollars. The IMF will ensure that the masses pay for gambling losses of the speculators … be those people from Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, Serbia, Croatia, Hungary, Latvia, etc, etc, etc.
Had the “Communists” been real “Communists” they would have repudiated a big part of Moldova’s debt and told the IMF to go to hell. They could have gotten their financing needs by taxing the richest Moldovans more heavily and by borrowing from sympathetic governments in places such as Venezuela. But the “Communists” are not real Communists and so they didn’t do this.
You wrote: And of course when you argue that “the new regime has also committed itself to raising all manner of taxes and fees on things like gasoline, beer and vodka, road usage fees, cigarettes” etc – I thought this is called redistribution and is a rather left-leaning measure – collecting taxes from those drive to redistribute them to those who don’t.
My response: While smoking may well be a bad habit, increasing taxes on cigarettes hits the poor harder than the rich. An extra leu a day represents a much larger portion of the income of the poor than than of the income of the rich. The same thing can be said of taxes on alcohol. Higher road-usage fees tend to hit people in the middle of the income-distribution ladder the hardest.
It is worth mentioning that the “liberals” and “democrats” also cut a few taxes (though the size of these tax cuts is smaller than that of the other tax increases, the budget cuts and that the price increases for water, public transport, natural gas, electricity, heat in apartaments that they have all given their approval to.) The tax cuts which the “liberals” and “democrats” have approved are for things like continuing the existing exemption from taxation of interest income. In other words, an income source that is much more significant for the rich — the capitalists — than for everyone else is to continue to be exempted from taxes for the next 5 years. They are doing this while they are letting (already scandalously small) salaries and pensions decline in real (inflation-adjusted) terms.
As I said in my first post, this is a government of the rich, by the rich and for the rich. This will all become even clearer over the course of 2010.
#18 by Renee Bouvier on January 20, 2010 - 11:04 pm
The people of Moldova, as exhibited in their latest antisemitic frenzy, have a long way to travel until they are accepted by the EU and the West (including North America). Tearing down Menorahs in public squares as a priest annoints the very ground, where the Menorah stood, while chanting all sorts of incantations to chase off the Jewish devil, is just one example of barbarism and primitivism. Whoever takes leadership over Moldova, I would strongly suggest universal education, where one is obligated to complete at least a bachelor’s degree and travel to study abroad for at least 12 months in a western country like France, Canada, or the United States. Otherwise, the Moldovan people are doomed to practices similar to the Puritan witch burnings. They are doomed to repeat their murdering rampages of the Holocaust. Today, the Germans are inviting back their Jews, appreciating the very fact that the Jews are very good at economics and buidling a viable economy (never mind their cultural value in the arts and sciences). Most Jews are secular. The display of the menorah was a clear provocation to demonstrate how antisemitic the Modolvan people remain by and large. After all, how many Jews are now stupid enough to reside in Moldova? Most Jews imigrated to the United States before and immediately after the turn of the century to the United States. A Jewish person would have to have rocks in his or her head to live in Moldova today, especialy in light of the very fact that Israel is a much more advanced and progressive society and culture as compared to Moldova. Israel is also a much more powerful country in the world stage and arena. I am sure if many Moldovans were given a choice of remaining in Moldova or immigrating to Israel, they would be on the first plane to Israel out of Moldova.
#19 by Renee Bouvier on January 20, 2010 - 11:16 pm
Nothing in Moldova will change as long as the masses remain undereducated, complacent, and apathetic, continually blaming the Jews and Zionism for all of their problems (especially since most, if not all, Moldovan-born Jews have immigrated to either Israel or North America). To continually blame a non-caring, belligerent oligarchy is an easy way out for explaining away the very fact that the masses are shirking their responsibilities to each other. A belligerent oligarchy can only rule over a people, if they are permitted. It’s time that the Moldovan people take responsibility over themselves to form a viable democracy and egalitarian economic enterprise. Stop blaming others and take matter into your own hands. The university students in the U.S. (teenaged, American kids) are more capable than the average Moldovan, it appears — and that’s not saying very much.
#20 by barthol on January 21, 2010 - 2:18 am
I suggest you have a look around YouTube. The racist extremists from these countries (Moldova, Balkans, Caucasus) are already living in France, Germany, the United States, Canada, etc.