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Archive for July, 2009

Structural funds cashback

The European Commission yesterday (15 July) rather quietly slipped out its 2008 report on protection of the European Communities’ financial interests – in other words an assessment of whether or not the money is going to the places it should be going to. Last year there was a press release and announcements in the midday press conference. This year it was all a bit hush-hush, with a small mid-afternoon briefing attended by just a handful of hacks.

Is there something in there this year they want to hide, I wonder? Well, if so, I haven’t found it yet. The report itself is a digestible 30-page affair, but it is accompanied by two hefty annexes that will take a while to chew through.

Figures on Structural Fund irregularities make interesting reading though. These are sums of money committed to projects by authorities in member states, that later realise they shouldn’t have committed them. This can be for many reasons: incorrect paperwork, projects that later turn out not to be eligible, simple mistakes. “Irregularity” can also cover fraud, though this is only demonstrated in a very small number of cases.

Once member states spot an irregularity they are first required to tell the Commission, then they must get the money back. This is where problems start. Getting the cash back can take time, but if member states fail to recover it within two years, they must pay the money back to the Commission anyway, and the taxpayers of the country in question end up footing the bill.

So one could argue that member states have an interest in declaring a relatively low “irregular” payments amount, so that they are less exposed to losses later on. This certainly seems to be the case with France, which consistently declares unrealistically tiny numbers: for the Structural Funds, €4.6 million in 2007, and €5 million in 2008.

Compare this with 2008 figures for Germany (€20.9 million), the Netherlands (€28.7 million) and Italy (€74.9 million). Either the French are amazingly good at dotting the i’s and crossing the t’s on EU-funded projects or there is some under-reporting going on somewhere.

However, if a low number for irregular payments indicates competence on the part of the member state authorities that manage EU funds, then the champions of incompetence must be the British (though of course one can also argue they are most rigorous in declaring irregular payments). In 2007, for Structural Funds, the UK declared €161 million of irregular payments (more or less 10 percent of the UK’s Structural Funds pot for that year). In 2008, the figure was €123 million.

The UK has form for “significantly higher” than normal error rates in Structural Fund payments, especially when it comes to paying authorities in the north of England. Last year, for failings in the north-west of England, around €25 million had to be paid back to the Commission.

Surely there is a case here for some cross-border good practice exchange that will deepen EU integration: send the Mancunians and Liverpudlians to Paris for a bit so they can learn how it should be done!

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Barroso gets nervous

Panic stations in Camp Barroso. The former Portuguese prime minister, who has steered the European ship for the last five years, can see his second term slipping through his fingers. A letter circulated yesterday (9 July) to the political groups in the Parliament advertised Barroso’s willingness to come and make his pitch to them, and contained a note of desperation: “I believe I have the vision and the experience to lead the Commission… I would like to indicate my availability for meeting with the different political groups in the Parliament that so wish in order to discuss the policy orientations I intend to propose for the next five years.”

Barroso has now been formally nominated by the EU Council, but when it comes to the vote in the Parliament, it is really not easy to see how it might turn out. Crucially, if the vote takes place under Lisbon Treaty rules, for example if it takes place in October after the Irish re-vote, Barroso must secure an absolute majority of MEPs, not just a majority of those who are in the chamber at the time.

That means he has to get 369 votes. As things presently stand, he is backed by the centre right and the slightly more right of the centre right – equivalent to 320 votes. He is opposed, or at least not backed, by the ALDE group, the socialists, the greens and the far left – totalling 358 votes. In other words, no absolute majority either way.

So Barroso can try and convince, for example, ALDE to back him, which would give him an absolute majority (404 votes). There are also in theory 58 floating votes, if we take into account non-aligned members, the fascists, and assorted nutters who do not sit in the six largest groups.

For those not backing Barroso, it is hard to see any reason why they would want to take a vote on him before October. If the vote is postponed until then, if the Irish vote in favour of the Lisbon Treaty, and if the vote then becomes a vote on the whole Commission under Lisbon rules, the socialists, greens, etc., can push for a grand bargain covering all the top EU jobs. Under Lisbon, this would include of course a new EU Council permanent president, and a new EU ‘foreign minister’.

If that happens, there would be no foregone conclusion. Although strong alternatives to Barroso have yet to emerge, it is not hard to see why panic is starting to take hold.

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La Maddalena’s white elephant

Little known G-8 fact: the European Commission is pursuing infringement proceedings against Italy for side-stepping rules on environmental impact assessments, when constructing the facilities for the G-8 on La Maddalena, the island off Sardinia where the summit was supposed to take place.

The Commission sent in March a second warning to the Italians, because in preparation for the G-8, the Italian government suspended normal rules on environmental impact assessments for the La Maddalena construction work, and also for works relating to the celebrations of the 150th anniversary of the unification of Italy in 2011.

Of course, the Summit venue has since been switched to L’Aquila, for entirely understandable reasons, following the deadly earthquake in Italy on 6 April. Nevertheless, Italian taxpayers will end up footing the bill for a €327 million white elephant on La Maddalena, covering the area of about 22 football pitches.

The G-8 website cheerfully admits the La Maddalena facility cost “far more” than expected, but says the complex will be “the G-8 project’s legacy” to the island, consisting of hotels “and new and lasting opportunities for more general employment.” Let’s hope it works out that way: La Maddalena has a population of about 15,000, so that’s a lot of facility for not many people.

And it may turn out to be illegal – the Commission has received a response from the Italians to its March letter, and is “now assessing it.” New step could be a trip to the European Court of Justice.

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