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Archive for October, 2009

Parliament Flunks Press Freedom

da6f0c3feb20 Time and again I find myself asking: what is the European construction all about?  What  are we really trying to do here. By what criteria will we judge where we have succeeded and where we have failed? What is the big picture?

Of course different people, different parties, will hold different views, views which, moreover, may change over time. But as is usual in politics those things that divide us are actually rather fewer and less important than the great issues on which there is overwhelming agreement.

What we debate, nationally or on the European stage, are really just the pathways, aren’t they, to these common goals.  Goals that are not defined exactly but which we Europeans all broadly accept – democracy, the rule of law, peace, the human rights agenda, the social market economy, gender equality, a commitment to the environment and biodiversity, to inclusiveness and tolerance, to freedom, to social justice in the wider world, to learning and cultural appreciation.  We look forward to the day when such values are common across the globe.  These are the ‘woods’ in which we live our lives. The direction in which we want Europe to evolve.

But as is often the case in woods we become so busy looking at the trees that we lose sight of this bigger dimension. The European Parliament – parts of it at least – is particularly prone to this sort of thing, with an unfortunate tendency to focus on the detail of a proposal or a sectional interest rather than keeping its eyes firmly fixed on the broad direction in which we want Europe to go.

Thus it was that last week that the Parliament turned down, by the narrowest of majorities, proposals designed to enhance the freedom of the press in Europe.

Now press freedom must surely be one of those broad aims about which few people would disagree. Voltaire’s words – about disagreeing with what you say but defending unto death your right to say it – have been used so often that they have almost become a cliché.  Given that much of Europe’s press in the 20th century was subject to dark and savage controls, you would think that the European press would now be the shining exemplar to the rest of the world.

Well, it isn’t.  Reporters without Borders compiles an index of press freedom and this year’s index – also published last week – shows how poor are the press freedom ratings for certain EU members. Bottom of the list is Romania at 50 (out of 149 countries), but Italy in 49th place, Spain in 46th, Slovakia in 45th and France at 43rd, head a sinking list of shame.

True the Scandinavians come out top. They are better than most of us at practicing what they preach.  But for the press of leading large European nations – such as Italy and France, – to figure so low down the list is an indictment of how we little we value free speech.

The situation is particularly acute in Italy where the concentration of media outlets and their ownership by companies controlled by Italy’s Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi, is particularly worrying.  Many think his control of both government and media in Italy is profoundly undemocratic.

But let us not imagine that this is only an Italian problem, which is how it was characterized by those opponents of the press freedom measures in the European Parliament.  They said that it was wrong to look to a European solution for a national problem.  If the premise on which that line were based was correct – that is, if the state of press freedom in Europe were simply an aberration caused by the eccentric Mr Berlusconi – it would be a justified argument.  But it is not.

Press freedom is being eroded all over Europe.  What freedom of information legislation gives with one hand, government secrecy claws back with the other.  Dissembling by governments, gagging orders, secret reports (to which the European Parliament itself seems particularly prone where its own internal workings are involved), all erode the principles of openness and transparency on which good democratic government should be based.

There are many pressures on the media – not the least of which is financial. This leads to a concentration of the press in a few hands. Journalists, with jobs on the line, are clearly likely to refrain from stories and investigations that they know would be ‘unhelpful’ to their proprietor.  The more the press is concentrated, the more it is curtailed.

It doesn’t help that the press itself does not (or will not) recognise the threats it faces. Valdo Lehari Jr., President of the European Newspaper Publishers’ Association (ENPA) was quoted last week as warning that EU legislation on media pluralism and concentration “could in fact decrease, not increase the level of media pluralism,” adding in a somewhat spurious aside that “the EU cannot regulate diversity, just as it is impossible to regulate ethics and morals.”

No one is talking about the EU regulating ethics and morals.  What we are talking about is raising press standards.  We are talking about the courage to be open, the courage to publish, the need for European governments and European institutions not to pussy-foot, but to be robust in their defence of free speech, even at the risk of upsetting the religious, the powerful, the sectional interest.

So last week, in a resolution cast by the Socialists, the Greens and the Liberals, the European Parliament had the opportunity of laying down a marker, of drawing a line in the sand, of saying that in the matter of press freedom we shall and we will fight.  Of identifying press freedom with that great web of issues that form the backbone of our European political agenda.

Sadly, they flunked it. In a straight debate between left and right, the forces of conservatism conserved while some voices in the muffled middle appear not to have understood the importance of the question.  The vote was lost by a margin of three. 13 members abstained.  It was all deeply depressing.

Still,  the day after Parliament presented the €50,000 Sahkarov Prize for Freedom of Thought to Memorial – a Russian NGO that campaigns against human rights abuses in parts of the old Soviet empire where journalists pursuing their trade are snuffed out with brutal regularity.

I just wonder whether any of the 338 who voted against the press freedom resolution spotted the irony.

Picture shows a tribute to Natalya Estimorova, a journalist murdered in Chechnya earlier this year.

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At the End of Ratification Road a Democratic Chasm Looms

Well, it looks as though we are slowly coming to the end of Ratification Road.  We mustn’t speak too soon, of course: the Czech constitutional court and President Vaclav Klaus could still, even now, contrive to throw a gigantic spanner in the works leaving the Lisbon Treaty moribund again and the European Union’s constitutional melting pot boiling for many more years to come.

But I don’t think this is likely.  With President Klaus’ recent railway metaphors about coming to the end of the line and his strong hints that he will sign what he regards as a supremely wretched document, Europe will soon have won itself its Constitutional Treaty.

A decade or so has now elapsed since the events that caused Europe’s then leaders to conclude that the Union’s machinery of government was badly in need of overhaul, especially if it was to accommodate another twelve new members.

The principal of these events was the Treaty of Nice – or rather the fractious Intergovernmental Conference – that, after several days and nights of haggling, finally agreed on something that no-one really thought worthy of taking the EU into the new millennium.

Indeed, agreement was only reached on the basis that the constitutional issues would be re-visited in the near future in a form that allowed for greater reflection.

This led to the Laeken Declaration of 2001 and later to the Constitutional Convention which, at the time, most people thought a sensible way to proceed.  Whether they would, with the benefit of hindsight, have done the same thing today knowing the difficulties that would be encountered is a judgement we shall have to leave to history.  At least one former head of government expressed his private doubts about the possibility of ratifying such a constitutional treaty.  Maybe others did as well, but no-one wanted to rock the boat.

One of the reasons for the many ratification difficulties has been the EU’s continuing democratic deficit, which almost certainly contributed in large part to the failed French and Dutch referenda of 2005.

Simply put, this is the subconscious feeling that if you don’t like the way the EU is being managed it is very hard to do anything about it.  Laeken acknowledged this. Indeed its twin pillars were democracy and improving the EU’s internal workings.  In the event the former was largely sacrificed to the latter.  Although the European Parliament did get some additional powers, it is  doubtful whether Europe’s citizens feel the EU to be any more democratic as a result.

Let’s move on ten years and look back to the present, assuming the Lisbon Treaty has come into force.  What will people judge its legacy to be?  The internal workings of the Union, voting and so on, are largely covert and pass unnoticed by folk in general. What people will observe, I think, is the continuing shift in power from the Union’s institutions – and chiefly the Commission – towards the member states.  This they will attribute to the Lisbon Treaty but, as this shift has been gathering pace for the past ten years, I doubt whether Lisbon can be held responsible.

No, the major visible part of Lisbon will be the posts the Treaty creates: a European President and Secretary of State – as people tell me not to call them.  But I will persist in calling them by these titles because I believe that whoever will actually hold the post of President of the European Council – even if they are uncharismatic and barely known committee men or women – will nonetheless become de facto presidents simply as a result of the attention of the world’s media and, to a lesser extent, the attentions of the public, both in Europe and abroad.

They will be photographed with their wives and children, getting off aeroplanes and opening conferences. Holiday snaps will appear in the tabloids. Their indiscretions and their dress sense will be picked over.  Their faces will be caricatured, their actions lampooned. And they will be forced by events to rise above this froth and to act presidentially.

As an aside I have always felt that it would be better to pick someone able to cope with all this presidential paraphernalia.  I have expressed my preference for Tony Blair as someone who, despite serious shortcomings, will at least not fall flat in week one of the job. But it is not the case that Blair would shape the role into a presidential one while Balkenende (say) would not: it is the external pressures, the media, public, events, that will shape the role. It is the Kissinger dictum (when I pick up the phone to Europe who do I call?)

The same goes for the Secretary of State (Foreign Minister or High Representative).  Again events will drive whoever holds that position towards a prominent role on the world stage and perhaps into a potentially damaging power struggle with the President.

The occupants of these posts will be the visible outcome of the Lisbon Treaty. They will, I predict, have a great effect on how Europe is portrayed on the world stage and in international relations.  They may have little authority on paper; but de facto they will be the faces of post-Lisbon Europe.

And yet this is a far from commonly held view. Mr Barroso may be disturbed at the thought of Tony Blair taking the President’s role and upstaging him at international events where it is, at the moment, the Commission President who speaks for the European Union.  But he will be upstaged whoever is appointed.

What these posts will do, however, is to shine a spotlight on the EU’s democratic deficit. By whose authority, it will be asked, does Blair (or Balkenende or any of the others) speak for me?

It seems incredible that in the 16 months that have elapsed between the two Irish referenda so little attention has been paid to questions surrounding the appointment, duties and general management of these posts.  Public debate has been noticeable by its absence.  A democratic time-bomb is ticking.

Back in 2001 the Laeken Declaration identified the democratic deficit problem. Aspects of the Lisbon Treaty will compound this. A chasm looms. It is urgent that the Swedish Presidency at the summit at the end of this month gives thought to injecting some democratic mechanism, however slight or unsatisfactory into these two Lisbon appointments.

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Who will Bring Obama to Copenhagen?

Or rather who will bring him there for the second time in a couple of months?  We know he did duty to Chicago’s bid for the Olympics: can he be persuaded now to do his bit for climate change in December?  If so, who will persuade him?

It seems he is hovering.  Returning from Copenhagen this time he let it be known that he would consider going were he to be invited, but that this wasn’t a meeting – as yet – for Heads of State.  In other words it is all still to play for.  The arm is out, but someone still needs to twist it. Who is that to be?

The message to those currently making slow progress towards a new climate treaty to replace the expiring Kyoto Protocol (which is what Copenhagen will be about) seems to be: ‘If you build it, I will come.’  Wrong!  The world needs Obama to come and build it. Or at least to lay the foundations.  It’s time for a ‘by the end of the decade…….man on the moon’ declaration.

Climate change is the first truly global issue.  The first time that all the peoples of the world are under the same threat from an advancing disaster which will affect every single person on the planet. We can argue who is responsible, who should pay, who should be protected, but at the end of the day these are peripheral issues.

Unless we put them to one side we shall have lost the climate change war before it starts. We are already on the brink of those tipping points at which global warming becomes irreversible.  The methane is already bubbling out of the sea and out of the melting permafrost.

Of course, you may choose to ignore what science is telling us – either as to its gravity or to its timescale.  You may think that current events are only a blip. And of course you may be correct. No-one can tell whether tomorrow the glaciers may start start advancing again, unlikely though that may be.

But we have a choice. Act now and all we shall lose is a bit of money.  If we don’t act we risk losing a lot of money.  Possibly we risk losing civilisation as we know it a hundred years from now. What would your grandchildren prefer you did?  Think of it as insurance.

At the end of the day, apart from Europe, there are only three countries that really matter. China, India and the United States.  Of course, Japan, Russia, Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia, Canada and so on matter too, but their agreement will be as nothing if the big four cannot conclude a deal between themselves to turn off the carbon tap.

The deal has to be one initial of principle and commitment. A personal deal. Four leaders who agree to march in a single direction.

The motivation for such agreement has to come primarily from a single source. China will not accept the leadership of the United States, nor vice versa. India, with the greatest respect, has the history and the people, but not the resources. That leaves Europe, always a leader in the climate field, to hold the ring, to broker, to bang heads.

Of course no democratic leader can by themselves deliver a deal.  We work through elected legislatures.  Laws have to be passed, funds voted upon. Nevertheless, a leader like Obama – capable of drawing a vast crowd wherever and whenever he speaks – has great capacity for influence that goes far beyond his own electorate. If he comes committed, others can build.

Besides, for the European Union, climate change is now the only strategic issue that counts.  How do we move from unsustainable living to sustainable living?  How we can develop and export renewable and low carbon energy technology to provide the developing world with energy for development?   For it is only by development that the world’s population will stabilise instead of growing exponentially.  How many more mouths can the earth feed?

The European Union does therefore have the chance – and indeed more than a chance, one might almost say an obligation – to take the lead in this global struggle forward towards sustainability.  But are we prepared to do this?  To stop being parochial and narrow-minded? Even though achieving sustainability may mean great rewards in terms of jobs and income and global stability?

It is against that background – of how to bring to the UN Climate Change Summit, Presidents Obama and Hu, and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh – that we should judge who should be appointed as President of the European Council under the Lisbon Treaty.

And yes, although it seems unlikely that the Treaty will be in force before the Copenhagen conference begins, a candidate could be appointed at the European Summit later this month.

As soon as a name is chosen that person inevitably will start work even if the telephone calls, the briefings and the meetings are off the record and unofficial until Lisbon kicks in. Plenty of time to begin the influencing.

Besides, Copenhagen is merely a staging post on a long road. The work will be continuing long after. Indeed all the expectations are that progress at the summit itself will be limited with no climate change legislation having been passed in the United States beforehand.

So who, of the available candidates, might be best placed to tackle the job of putting Europe in pole position in the climate change debate, of bending the ears of Presidents, of making the big speeches of encouraging the lifting of eyes from parochial and nationalistic concerns towards global horizons?

For this is the job description for a President of the European Council.  This is the job that needs to be done. Who can best do it? Many of you reading this will assume that I am promoting Tony Blair and indeed I am but only because I believe that this is what the job should be about and he alone of the candidates seems to come anywhere near to fulfilling the requirements.

It’s also why I despair that the Lisbon Treaty, having been approved by the Parliaments of all 27 member states, should now rest on the personal whim of two individuals, one of whom is now preparing to indulge in a round of horse-trading. Europe’s parochialism knows no bounds!

Enough! The issues are big. Europe needs to get its act together. Fast.  Appoint Blair and just get on with it.

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